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Author Topic: INSTITUTIONAL DENIAL ABOUT THE DARK SIDE OF LAW SCHOOL  (Read 105441 times)

Tacoma

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Re: INSTITUTIONAL DENIAL ABOUT THE DARK SIDE OF LAW SCHOOL
« Reply #280 on: July 23, 2008, 04:42:23 PM »

In any event, Cruise and his lawyers are not known to have employed roundabout tactics. Oh BTW, what did you guys think about this one:

http://www.thedenverchannel.com/news/2496611/detail.html


Well, mother, Cruise's not been accused of raping anyone [...]


Can he?

sigh mere

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"This is not about money"
« Reply #281 on: July 25, 2008, 08:45:46 PM »

There is much anecdotal basis for concern about the collective distress and unhappiness of law students and lawyers.

[...]

3) The American dream: The belief that financial affluence, influence, recognition and other external symbols of achievement are what is good in life, and that academic success in law school will lead to these things.

[...]


This is actually the most important reason. Those who say lawyering and the stress it creates does not stem from money are acting in the same manner this woman did:


doublevision

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Re: "This is not about money"
« Reply #282 on: July 26, 2008, 09:04:57 PM »

There is much anecdotal basis for concern about the collective distress and unhappiness of law students and lawyers.

[...]

3) The American dream: The belief that financial affluence, influence, recognition and other external symbols of achievement are what is good in life, and that academic success in law school will lead to these things.

[...]


This is actually the most important reason. Those who say lawyering and the stress it creates does not stem from money are acting in the same manner this woman did:


You mean this woman:


Audra Soulias appears at a press conference Thursday in a Chicago law office.

Audra Soulias, 28, filed a civil lawsuit against Smith, 43, claiming he bought her drinks while she was celebrating her birthday in January 1999 and later took her to his house, dragged her upstairs and assaulted her.

"This is not about money. I do not wish to see one more woman victimized by this individual," Soulias said at a news conference Thursday. "Enough is enough."

Smith, who was cleared of rape charges in Florida in 1991, said Soulias demanded a $3 million payoff in exchange for not going to court. He said in a statement after the lawsuit was filed Wednesday that "family and personal history have made me unusually vulnerable to these kinds of charges." In a statement following his accuser's new conference, Smith accused Soulias' lawyer of presenting "baseless claims in the most sensationalistic manner. While I did date Ms. Soulias for several months in 1999, the accusations being made are absolutely false and misleading." Soulias attorney Kevin O'Reilly acknowledged that Soulias had continued to work for Smith until June 1999 and during that time had consensual sex with him on a number of occasions. He declined to comment on whether he had asked Smith for $3 million before filing the lawsuit, saying he had given his word not to discuss any talks between the two sides. O'Reilly said Soulias, who once worked for Smith as a personal assistant, never went to the police about the alleged incident. Private investigator Paul Ciolino, who is working for Soulias, said that she told friends and others her story, but they warned her not to file a lawsuit. "I've repeatedly been warned by everyone I've sought guidance from not to do this," Soulias said. "I've been warned that I, my family and anyone affiliated with this case will be harassed, ruined and destroyed for bringing these allegations to light." She said she would not have filed the suit had Smith not telephoned her in January and left voicemails, which she believed were intimidating. She said the messages came after she told her story to an investigator who had been retained by the board of Smith's Center for International Rehabilitation, which helps victims of land mines. "On Jan. 16, 1999, my innocence was involuntarily taken from me by someone I trusted and respected," Soulias said. "It was taken from me in a manner that will haunt me to the day I die." O'Reilly described the January 1999 incident as an assault that stopped short of sexual intercourse. He said that until then Soulias had lived with her family and had never had a boyfriend or any sexual experience. In 1991, a jury in West Palm Beach, Fla., acquitted Smith of sexual assault and battery on a 30-year-old woman he met in a nightclub. He said his sexual relations with the woman, Patricia Bowman, had been consensual. According to the lawsuit filed Wednesday, Soulias said Smith called her the morning after the incident and left apologetic voicemails. Soulias was accompanied at Thursday's news conference by her younger sister, Melissa, who said that she had heard the voicemails. O'Reilly said the voicemails had not been preserved. The lawsuit asks for at least $50,000 in damages, the minimum that such a court action must demand under Illinois law. Smith's mother is former Ambassador to Ireland Jean Kennedy Smith. He is the nephew of Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., and the late President Kennedy.

situation

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Re: "This is not about money"
« Reply #283 on: July 27, 2008, 03:40:12 PM »

There is much anecdotal basis for concern about the collective distress and unhappiness of law students and lawyers.

[...]

3) The American dream: The belief that financial affluence, influence, recognition and other external symbols of achievement are what is good in life, and that academic success in law school will lead to these things.

[...]


This is actually the most important reason. Those who say lawyering and the stress it creates does not stem from money are acting in the same manner this woman did:


You mean this woman:


Audra Soulias appears at a press conference Thursday in a Chicago law office.

Audra Soulias, 28, filed a civil lawsuit against Smith, 43, claiming he bought her drinks while she was celebrating her birthday in January 1999 and later took her to his house, dragged her upstairs and assaulted her.

"This is not about money. I do not wish to see one more woman victimized by this individual," Soulias said at a news conference Thursday. "Enough is enough."

Smith, who was cleared of rape charges in Florida in 1991, said Soulias demanded a $3 million payoff in exchange for not going to court. He said in a statement after the lawsuit was filed Wednesday that "family and personal history have made me unusually vulnerable to these kinds of charges." In a statement following his accuser's new conference, Smith accused Soulias' lawyer of presenting "baseless claims in the most sensationalistic manner. While I did date Ms. Soulias for several months in 1999, the accusations being made are absolutely false and misleading." Soulias attorney Kevin O'Reilly acknowledged that Soulias had continued to work for Smith until June 1999 and during that time had consensual sex with him on a number of occasions. He declined to comment on whether he had asked Smith for $3 million before filing the lawsuit, saying he had given his word not to discuss any talks between the two sides. O'Reilly said Soulias, who once worked for Smith as a personal assistant, never went to the police about the alleged incident. Private investigator Paul Ciolino, who is working for Soulias, said that she told friends and others her story, but they warned her not to file a lawsuit. "I've repeatedly been warned by everyone I've sought guidance from not to do this," Soulias said. "I've been warned that I, my family and anyone affiliated with this case will be harassed, ruined and destroyed for bringing these allegations to light." She said she would not have filed the suit had Smith not telephoned her in January and left voicemails, which she believed were intimidating. She said the messages came after she told her story to an investigator who had been retained by the board of Smith's Center for International Rehabilitation, which helps victims of land mines. "On Jan. 16, 1999, my innocence was involuntarily taken from me by someone I trusted and respected," Soulias said. "It was taken from me in a manner that will haunt me to the day I die." O'Reilly described the January 1999 incident as an assault that stopped short of sexual intercourse. He said that until then Soulias had lived with her family and had never had a boyfriend or any sexual experience. In 1991, a jury in West Palm Beach, Fla., acquitted Smith of sexual assault and battery on a 30-year-old woman he met in a nightclub. He said his sexual relations with the woman, Patricia Bowman, had been consensual. According to the lawsuit filed Wednesday, Soulias said Smith called her the morning after the incident and left apologetic voicemails. Soulias was accompanied at Thursday's news conference by her younger sister, Melissa, who said that she had heard the voicemails. O'Reilly said the voicemails had not been preserved. The lawsuit asks for at least $50,000 in damages, the minimum that such a court action must demand under Illinois law. Smith's mother is former Ambassador to Ireland Jean Kennedy Smith. He is the nephew of Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., and the late President Kennedy.


One thing I never understood was why she was crying when she was saying it was not about money.
When I lie, I lie; when I tell the truth, I tell the truth.

http://youtube.com/watch?v=H1dVwCa7G6I&feature=related

thegayismine

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Re: INSTITUTIONAL DENIAL ABOUT THE DARK SIDE OF LAW SCHOOL
« Reply #284 on: July 28, 2008, 11:57:55 AM »

In any event, Cruise and his lawyers are not known to have employed roundabout tactics. Oh BTW, what did you guys think about this one:

http://www.thedenverchannel.com/news/2496611/detail.html


Well, mother, Cruise's not been accused of raping anyone [...]


Can he?


If you mean "literally," "physically," I don't know -- if you mean, rape in the figurative sense, of course he can -- he's fabulously rich -- he can sure do a lot of things using his money!

per hair

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The Beatles', "I Am The Walrus"
« Reply #285 on: August 02, 2008, 02:27:48 PM »


But almost always, during the initial stage of the struggle, the oppressed, instead of striving for liberation, tend themselves to become oppressors, or "sub-oppressors." The very structure of their thought has been conditioned by the contradictions of the concrete, existential situation by which they were shaped. Their ideal is to be men; but for them, to be men is to be oppressors. This is their model of humanity. This phenomenon derives from the fact that the oppressed, at a certain moment of their existential experience, adopt an attitude of "adhesion" to the oppressor. Under these circumstances they cannot "consider" him sufficiently clearly to objectivize him -- to discover him "outside" themselves. This does not necessarily mean that the oppressed are unaware that they are downtrodden. But their perception of themselves as oppressed is impaired by their submersion in the reality of oppression. At this level, their perception of themselves as opposites of the oppressor does not yet signify engagement un a struggle to overcome the contradiction; the one pole aspires not to liberation, but to identification with its opposite pole.
 

Projective Identification is a psychological term first introduced by Melanie Klein of the Object relations school of psychoanalytic thought in 1946. It refers to a psychological process in which one person projects a thought, belief or emotion to a second person. Then, in most common definitions of projective identification, there is another action in which the second person is changed by the projection and begins to behave as though he or she is in fact actually characterized by those thoughts or beliefs that have been projected. This is a process that generally happens outside of the awareness of both parties involved, although this has been a matter of some argument. What is projected is most often an intolerable, painful, or dangerous idea or belief about the self that the first person cannot accept (i.e. "I have behaved wrongly" or "I have a sexual feeling towards ...." ) Or it may be a valued or esteemed idea that again is difficult for the first person to acknowledge. Projective identification is believed to be a very early or primitive psychological process and is understood to be one of the more primitive defense mechanisms. Yet it is also thought to be the basis out of which more mature psychological processes like empathy and intuition are formed.

Many authors have described the mechanism of projective identification. Ogden (1979, 1986) describes a process in which part of the self is projected onto an external object. The external object (the second person) experiences a blurring of the boundaries or definitions of the self and other. This takes place during an interpersonal interaction in which the projector (the first person) actively pressures the recipient to think, feel and act in accordance with the projection. The recipient of the projection then processes or "metabolizes" (mirrors or explains) the projection so that it can then be re-internalized (re-experienced and understood) by the projector (see example). Different definitions of projective identification exist and there are disagreements as to a number of its aspects, for example: where does the process begin and end, exactly what is "projected" and what is "received", is a second person required for projective identification to take place, does projective identification occur when it is within the awareness of either party involved, and what is the difference between projection and projective identification. Young (1994, ch. 7) provides a detailed history and conceptual analysis of these issues.

Ogden (1982) describes the process of projective identification as simultaneously involving a type of psychological defense against unwanted feelings or fantasies, a mode of communication, and as a type of human relationship. As a defense a psychiatric patient, for example, can use PI to deny the truth of unwanted feelings or beliefs by projecting them into the other person. Additionally, because the analyst begins to unknowingly enact these feelings or beliefs (even though they were originally uncharacteristic of him or her), the patient is in a sense "controlling" the interaction with the analyst. This is often experienced by the analyst as a subtle pressure to behave or believe in a particular way; but it is an influence to which the analyst usually is not attentive or which is not experienced consciously. By influencing the analyst's behavior, the patient prevents exploratory, original and vulnerable material from coming into the discussion.

Projective identification functions as a mode of communication as well. The sender "gives" his or her unwanted thoughts or feelings to the receiver. Instead of describing these thoughts or feelings in discussion, the unwanted content is communicated directly or recreated in the receiver by actions, facial expression, bodily attitude, words or sounds, etc. By experiencing it himself, the receiver may understand what the sender is experiencing, even if the sender is unaware of it. Projective identification often occurs not as an isolated incident, but as a series of projections and identifications and counter-projections and counter-identifications that evolve in a relationship over time. An example of this might be the mother/infant dyad or a husband and wife pairing. In such cases there is an ongoing emotional economy or transaction between the partners that takes place over the course of an entire relationship.

Here is a simple example of projective identification in a psychiatric setting: A traumatized patient describes to his analyst a horrible incident which he experienced recently. Yet in describing this incident the patient remains emotionally unaffected or even indifferent to his own obvious suffering and perhaps even the suffering of his loved ones. When asked he denies having any feelings about the event whatsoever. Yet, when the analyst hears this story, she begins to feel very strong feelings (i.e. perhaps sadness and/or anger) in response. She might tear up or become righteously indignant on behalf of the patient, thereby acting out the patient's feelings resulting from the trauma. Being a well-trained analyst however, she recognizes the profound effect that her patient's story is having on her. Acknowledging to herself the feelings she is having, she suggests to the patient that he might perhaps be having feelings that are difficult for him to experience in relation to the trauma. She processes or metabolizes these experiences in herself and puts them into words and speaks them to the patient. Ideally, then the patient can recognize in himself the emotions or thoughts that he previously could not let into his awareness. Another common example is in the mother/child dyad where the mother is able to experience and address her child’s needs when the child is often unable to state his own needs at all. The above examples describe projective identification within the context of a dyad. However, PI takes place within a group context as well. Another notable psychoanalyst Wilfred Bion (1961) described projective identification in the following way: "the analyst feels he is being manipulated so as to be playing a part, no matter how difficult to recognize, in someone else's fantasy" This ongoing link between internal intra-psychic process and the interpersonal dimension has provided the foundation for understanding important aspects of group and organizational life. Bion's studies of groups examined how collusive, shared group phenomena such as scapegoating, group-think and emotional contagion are all rooted in the collective use of projective identification. In fact, sociologists often see projective identification at work on the societal level in the relationship of minority groups and the majority class.


The Lyrics:

Quote
I am he as you are he as you are me and we are all together.
See how they run like pigs from a gun, see how they fly.
I'm crying.

Now, a lot of songs by The Beatles have these "subliminal" messages. Here it is another weird one from Beatles:

The Beatles', "Revolution 9"

The Lyrics:

Quote
Right! Right!

When you play the track backwards, it sounds like someone screaming, "Get me out! Get me out!"

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PG0wksBzKSc
"The visionary lies to himself, the liar only to others."

m/c

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Re: The Beatles', "I Am The Walrus"
« Reply #286 on: August 02, 2008, 11:47:06 PM »


But almost always, during the initial stage of the struggle, the oppressed, instead of striving for liberation, tend themselves to become oppressors, or "sub-oppressors." The very structure of their thought has been conditioned by the contradictions of the concrete, existential situation by which they were shaped. Their ideal is to be men; but for them, to be men is to be oppressors. This is their model of humanity. This phenomenon derives from the fact that the oppressed, at a certain moment of their existential experience, adopt an attitude of "adhesion" to the oppressor. Under these circumstances they cannot "consider" him sufficiently clearly to objectivize him -- to discover him "outside" themselves. This does not necessarily mean that the oppressed are unaware that they are downtrodden. But their perception of themselves as oppressed is impaired by their submersion in the reality of oppression. At this level, their perception of themselves as opposites of the oppressor does not yet signify engagement un a struggle to overcome the contradiction; the one pole aspires not to liberation, but to identification with its opposite pole.
 

Projective Identification is a psychological term first introduced by Melanie Klein of the Object relations school of psychoanalytic thought in 1946. It refers to a psychological process in which one person projects a thought, belief or emotion to a second person. Then, in most common definitions of projective identification, there is another action in which the second person is changed by the projection and begins to behave as though he or she is in fact actually characterized by those thoughts or beliefs that have been projected. This is a process that generally happens outside of the awareness of both parties involved, although this has been a matter of some argument. What is projected is most often an intolerable, painful, or dangerous idea or belief about the self that the first person cannot accept (i.e. "I have behaved wrongly" or "I have a sexual feeling towards ...." ) Or it may be a valued or esteemed idea that again is difficult for the first person to acknowledge. Projective identification is believed to be a very early or primitive psychological process and is understood to be one of the more primitive defense mechanisms. Yet it is also thought to be the basis out of which more mature psychological processes like empathy and intuition are formed.

Many authors have described the mechanism of projective identification. Ogden (1979, 1986) describes a process in which part of the self is projected onto an external object. The external object (the second person) experiences a blurring of the boundaries or definitions of the self and other. This takes place during an interpersonal interaction in which the projector (the first person) actively pressures the recipient to think, feel and act in accordance with the projection. The recipient of the projection then processes or "metabolizes" (mirrors or explains) the projection so that it can then be re-internalized (re-experienced and understood) by the projector (see example). Different definitions of projective identification exist and there are disagreements as to a number of its aspects, for example: where does the process begin and end, exactly what is "projected" and what is "received", is a second person required for projective identification to take place, does projective identification occur when it is within the awareness of either party involved, and what is the difference between projection and projective identification. Young (1994, ch. 7) provides a detailed history and conceptual analysis of these issues.

Ogden (1982) describes the process of projective identification as simultaneously involving a type of psychological defense against unwanted feelings or fantasies, a mode of communication, and as a type of human relationship. As a defense a psychiatric patient, for example, can use PI to deny the truth of unwanted feelings or beliefs by projecting them into the other person. Additionally, because the analyst begins to unknowingly enact these feelings or beliefs (even though they were originally uncharacteristic of him or her), the patient is in a sense "controlling" the interaction with the analyst. This is often experienced by the analyst as a subtle pressure to behave or believe in a particular way; but it is an influence to which the analyst usually is not attentive or which is not experienced consciously. By influencing the analyst's behavior, the patient prevents exploratory, original and vulnerable material from coming into the discussion.

Projective identification functions as a mode of communication as well. The sender "gives" his or her unwanted thoughts or feelings to the receiver. Instead of describing these thoughts or feelings in discussion, the unwanted content is communicated directly or recreated in the receiver by actions, facial expression, bodily attitude, words or sounds, etc. By experiencing it himself, the receiver may understand what the sender is experiencing, even if the sender is unaware of it. Projective identification often occurs not as an isolated incident, but as a series of projections and identifications and counter-projections and counter-identifications that evolve in a relationship over time. An example of this might be the mother/infant dyad or a husband and wife pairing. In such cases there is an ongoing emotional economy or transaction between the partners that takes place over the course of an entire relationship.

Here is a simple example of projective identification in a psychiatric setting: A traumatized patient describes to his analyst a horrible incident which he experienced recently. Yet in describing this incident the patient remains emotionally unaffected or even indifferent to his own obvious suffering and perhaps even the suffering of his loved ones. When asked he denies having any feelings about the event whatsoever. Yet, when the analyst hears this story, she begins to feel very strong feelings (i.e. perhaps sadness and/or anger) in response. She might tear up or become righteously indignant on behalf of the patient, thereby acting out the patient's feelings resulting from the trauma. Being a well-trained analyst however, she recognizes the profound effect that her patient's story is having on her. Acknowledging to herself the feelings she is having, she suggests to the patient that he might perhaps be having feelings that are difficult for him to experience in relation to the trauma. She processes or metabolizes these experiences in herself and puts them into words and speaks them to the patient. Ideally, then the patient can recognize in himself the emotions or thoughts that he previously could not let into his awareness. Another common example is in the mother/child dyad where the mother is able to experience and address her child’s needs when the child is often unable to state his own needs at all. The above examples describe projective identification within the context of a dyad. However, PI takes place within a group context as well. Another notable psychoanalyst Wilfred Bion (1961) described projective identification in the following way: "the analyst feels he is being manipulated so as to be playing a part, no matter how difficult to recognize, in someone else's fantasy" This ongoing link between internal intra-psychic process and the interpersonal dimension has provided the foundation for understanding important aspects of group and organizational life. Bion's studies of groups examined how collusive, shared group phenomena such as scapegoating, group-think and emotional contagion are all rooted in the collective use of projective identification. In fact, sociologists often see projective identification at work on the societal level in the relationship of minority groups and the majority class.


The Lyrics:

Quote
I am he as you are he as you are me and we are all together.
See how they run like pigs from a gun, see how they fly.
I'm crying.


Great illustration, per hair! An awesome contribution to this board on your part as well! Thanks!
[Referring to a glass of water:]
I mixed this myself. Two parts H, one part O. I don't trust anybody!

s t u f f

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Re: The Beatles', "I Am The Walrus"
« Reply #287 on: August 08, 2008, 03:53:40 AM »

The Lyrics:

Quote
I am he as you are he as you are me and we are all together.



Looks like the heat is on!

cameo

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Re: The Beatles', "I Am The Walrus"
« Reply #288 on: August 11, 2008, 11:25:55 AM »

The Beatles', "Revolution 9"

The Lyrics:

Quote
Right! Right!

When you play the track backwards, it sounds like someone screaming, "Get me out! Get me out!"

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PG0wksBzKSc


Structure and content

"Revolution 9" starts with a conversation between George Martin and Alistair Taylor:

Quote
Alistair Taylor: ...bottle of Claret for you if I'd realised. I'd forgotten all about it George, I'm sorry.
George Martin: Well, do next time.
Taylor: Will you forgive me?
Martin: Mmmm...yes....
Taylor: Cheeky b i t c h.

(Although this conversation is usually known to be the beginning of "Revolution 9," the time tracking from the CD indicates it as the tail end of the previous track, "Cry Baby Cry," following Paul's short solo song "Can You Take Me Back.")

After a brief piano introduction, a loop of a male repeating the words "number nine" (taken from an EMI examination tape) begins to be heard. This phrase fades in and out throughout the recording as a motif. Then there is chaos: feedback, impromptu screaming, rehearsed overdubs, and more tape loops. As some portions of "Revolution 9" are recordings of other music (from bits of Sibelius and Beethoven, to a backward snippet of a tuning orchestra, culled from the session tapes for A Day in the Life), the piece can be seen as an early example of sampling. Other audio elements include various bits of apparently nonsensical dialogue spoken by Lennon and Harrison, various found sounds, reversed sounds and recordings of American football chants. Also heard is the "all right" from the end of Revolution 1 (this piece was supposed to be the coda to Revolution 1 but was pushed back to several tracks after it). Also at 6:48 you can hear what seems to be the intro to Harrison's "While My Guitar Gently Weeps" played much faster on piano.

"Paul is Dead" significance

"Revolution 9" played an important part in the infamous "Paul is dead" controversy. Most notably, the repeated "number nine" played backwards can be heard as "Turn me on, dead man." If one listens carefully, the "babble", many believe, includes other hints left by the band about Paul's alleged death, including "My wings are broken," "Paul is Doomed!" "Paul is Dead... Since the..his suicide was..." and "Get me out!" As the "Paul is dead" rumours were quickly debunked, these "clues" are creative misinterpretations of "Revolution 9", but they remain an interesting footnote to the Beatles' history. The mob sounds throughout are believed to be the people circling around Paul McCartney's "fatal car crash". In the "Paul is dead" hoax, people claimed that Paul McCartney died on September 11th, 1966.

Charles Manson

L.A. District Attorney Vincent Bugliosi and Manson Family member Paul Watkins came up with the theory that Charles Manson believed that "Revolution 9" was a reference to Revelation 9, a book in the Bible that speaks of apocalypse and prophecy. He believed the Beatles were speaking to him through this song, and he drew many odd interpretations from the lyrics. It was also the battle of Armageddon, the coming black-white revolution portrayed in sound, Manson claimed. According to Poston: 'When Charlie was listening to it, he heard in the background noise, in and around the machine gun fire and the oinking of pigs, a man's voice saying "Rise"' (it is first heard 2 minutes and 34 seconds into the song, just after the crowd sounds that follow 'lots of stab wounds as it were' and 'informed him on the third night' and just before 'Number 9, Number 9'). This is actually Lennon saying "RIGHT!", as in "ALL RIGHT!" In his own statements, Charles Manson has repeatedly denied Bugliosi's assertions that "The White Album" influenced his philosophy. He has acknowledged that the "kids" in his camp were fond of The Beatles, but Manson himself was never a fan. He has claimed his tastes were more toward the likes of Hank Williams and other beer hall balladeers from the late '50s and early '60s.


pregap

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O'Reilly smeared "very shadowy" Human Rights Watch
« Reply #289 on: August 11, 2008, 02:24:02 PM »

You mean this woman:


Audra Soulias appears at a press conference Thursday in a Chicago law office.

Audra Soulias, 28, filed a civil lawsuit against Smith, 43, claiming he bought her drinks while she was celebrating her birthday in January 1999 and later took her to his house, dragged her upstairs and assaulted her.

"This is not about money. I do not wish to see one more woman victimized by this individual," Soulias said at a news conference Thursday. "Enough is enough."

Smith, who was cleared of rape charges in Florida in 1991, said Soulias demanded a $3 million payoff in exchange for not going to court. He said in a statement after the lawsuit was filed Wednesday that "family and personal history have made me unusually vulnerable to these kinds of charges." In a statement following his accuser's new conference, Smith accused Soulias' lawyer of presenting "baseless claims in the most sensationalistic manner. While I did date Ms. Soulias for several months in 1999, the accusations being made are absolutely false and misleading." Soulias attorney Kevin O'Reilly acknowledged that Soulias had continued to work for Smith until June 1999 and during that time had consensual sex with him on a number of occasions. He declined to comment on whether he had asked Smith for $3 million before filing the lawsuit, saying he had given his word not to discuss any talks between the two sides. O'Reilly said Soulias, who once worked for Smith as a personal assistant, never went to the police about the alleged incident. Private investigator Paul Ciolino, who is working for Soulias, said that she told friends and others her story, but they warned her not to file a lawsuit. "I've repeatedly been warned by everyone I've sought guidance from not to do this," Soulias said. "I've been warned that I, my family and anyone affiliated with this case will be harassed, ruined and destroyed for bringing these allegations to light." She said she would not have filed the suit had Smith not telephoned her in January and left voicemails, which she believed were intimidating. She said the messages came after she told her story to an investigator who had been retained by the board of Smith's Center for International Rehabilitation, which helps victims of land mines. "On Jan. 16, 1999, my innocence was involuntarily taken from me by someone I trusted and respected," Soulias said. "It was taken from me in a manner that will haunt me to the day I die." O'Reilly described the January 1999 incident as an assault that stopped short of sexual intercourse. He said that until then Soulias had lived with her family and had never had a boyfriend or any sexual experience. In 1991, a jury in West Palm Beach, Fla., acquitted Smith of sexual assault and battery on a 30-year-old woman he met in a nightclub. He said his sexual relations with the woman, Patricia Bowman, had been consensual. According to the lawsuit filed Wednesday, Soulias said Smith called her the morning after the incident and left apologetic voicemails. Soulias was accompanied at Thursday's news conference by her younger sister, Melissa, who said that she had heard the voicemails. O'Reilly said the voicemails had not been preserved. The lawsuit asks for at least $50,000 in damages, the minimum that such a court action must demand under Illinois law. Smith's mother is former Ambassador to Ireland Jean Kennedy Smith. He is the nephew of Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., and the late President Kennedy.
 

O'Reilly may be a dog when it comes to sex with co-workers but he's a quite good journalist. He investigates deep enough and comes up with interesting stuff; for instance, I was not aware of this

FOX News Channel and radio host Bill O'Reilly called the group Human Rights Watch (HRW) "very shadowy" and claimed that "they don't tell you where their money comes from" because the group "knows how they're perceived by most Americans." In fact, HRW's website freely discloses its donors. Later, O'Reilly's guest from the conservative Heritage Foundation complained that HRW has focused narrowly on "Abu Ghraib, Abu Ghraib, Abu Ghraib" (prison in Iraq) and "Gitmo, Gitmo, Gitmo" (Guantánamo Bay, Cuba), where Americans have been accused of abuses, rather than "using their scarce resources to really shine the light on these places around the world where there truly are human rights abuses" like China, Syria, and Sudan. In fact, Human Rights Watch does extensive research and advocacy on these nations and scores of others.

From the November 17 broadcast of the nationally syndicated The Radio Factor with Bill O'Reilly:

Quote
O'REILLY: Human Rights Watch is a group that operates worldwide. They're very shadowy -- they don't tell you where their money comes from. But we have investigated. ... [T]hey won't tell you who gives 'em money, which is always a tip-off. If any group like this won't tell you who gives 'em money then you gotta go -- "Oh, okay."

O'Reilly then referred to what he claimed was a 1995 "investigative report on Human Rights Watch" by "a Dutch reporter," which revealed that the group's funders are all "left-wing people":

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O'REILLY: In 1995 a Dutch reporter apparently did an investigative report on Human Rights Watch and found that -- whoa, George Soros -- ooohh! What a surprise! Kickin' in a lotta dough in there, along with the Ford Foundation, which is a far-left foundation -- charitable foundation here in the United States. The Rockefeller Foundation -- I don't know much about them. Norman Lear -- off the chart left. Katharine Graham, who was alive back then, Washington Post Company -- all of these are big donors. Mr. and Mrs. Edgar Bronfman -- so Carnegie Corporation, all the left-wing people kickin' in.

Later, O'Reilly claimed that "Human Rights Watch is very secretive about who gives them money ... because people like me are gonna look at their books and gonna point out who gives money." He concluded: "So that tells me that Human Rights Watch ... knows how they're perceived by most Americans."

In fact, nearly all the donors named in the Dutch "investigative report" are openly thanked for their financial support in numerous reports available on the HRW website:

  • Soros Foundation and Soros Documentary Fund (Soros' name also appears on the member lists of two HRW advisory committees)
  • Ford Foundation
  • Rockefeller Foundation
  • Carnegie Corporation

Norman Lear is listed in the Human Rights Watch World Report 1993 as a member of an advisory committee, not a donor. Still, the disclosure of his name suggests that HRW is hardly trying to hide its association with Lear, a Hollywood producer known for financing liberal causes.

Katharine Graham, the publisher of The Washington Post who died in 1997, is not listed on the HRW website, nor is Edgar Bronfman, though it is not clear to whom O'Reilly is referring. Edgar M. Bronfman Sr. is former chairman of the Seagram Company and former president of the World Jewish Congress. Edgar Bronfman Jr. took over Seagram and turned it into an entertainment empire; he currently operates Warner Music Group.

Minutes later, Heritage Foundation senior policy analyst Jack Spencer called into the show as a guest and complained that HRW and Amnesty International focus excessively on alleged U.S. abuses while letting countries that perpetrate more serious abuses off the hook:

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SPENCER: If you look at what they've looked at in the past couple of years, it's all been Abu Ghraib, Abu Ghraib, Abu Ghraib -- that we shouldn't have invaded Iraq -- and Gitmo, Gitmo, Gitmo -- that's sort of been their thing.

Instead of using their scarce resources to really, shine the light on these places around the world where there truly are human rights abuses, I would argue that ... they not only do not have the United States' interests in mind, they actually detract from the interests of those who could really use the help of organizations like Human Rights Watch. ... But instead of focusing their resources on where they're really needed, they tend to divert those resources on places like the United States.

[...]

In places like Syria, in places like China -- these are the places -- in like Sudan. These are where we need to focus our resources.


Contrary to Spencer's suggestion that HRW focuses primarily on U.S. abuses, none of the lead articles HRW's website were about U.S. abuses when Media Matters for America consulted the site at 5 p.m. ET on November 19; the highlighted article at the top of the page was about Sudan. Links to articles on U.S. human rights issues were relegated to a small panel at the bottom of the page. Inside, HRW's website contains hundreds of articles, letters, and reports on China, Syria, Sudan, and nearly every country in the world.

—G.W.

http://mediamatters.org/items/200411190010