Black Radicals Thread

[Does America deliberately try to protect its system of inequality?]

Does America deliberately try to protect its system of inequality?

Yes

No

[CaliToD.C.]

And when one considers that it was Styles’ fellow Lox member, Jadakiss, who took the courageous lead in recording the social and political commentary anthem, "Why?" with Anthony Hamilton, it should come as no surprise that a rapper whose mother is from South Africa and father from Brooklyn would be the one to bring identity-first Hip-Hop back into clear focus. Featuring Marsha from Floetry, "I’m Black" is more than a record for Black History Month. It is music for a culture and generation that finds itself too often in a self-destructive and self-negating mode.

That Hip-Hop artists have bought into the use of self-denigrating language is a well-accepted fact. The practice receives and deserves criticism. But what about the use of language that, in more subtle fashion, marginalizes one’s identity or desensitizes others to the unique condition, even the existence of a people? While perhaps being successful in creating a big tent in Hip-Hop culture, the practice of watering down race, identity and nuances in ethnic reality by many in the Hip-Hop culture and industry might have significant costs and serve a cause that few truly recognize.

About two months ago I began to notice strikingly different responses to Nas’ new double album, “Streets Disciple”. Those that were roughly 25 and older seemed to thoroughly enjoy the album and shared with me what they liked about it and how mature they felt Nas has become as an artist. Those that I spoke to who were around 17 years of age to 22 were overwhelmingly disappointed with the album. I initially thought it was because of their lack of familiarity with Nas and their expectation that he would make an album like Stillmatic, but the more I talked to them the more I heard that they did not like or appreciate Nas’ overt efforts to deal with race on various tracks like ‘#%@! Picnic’ and ‘The American Way’. Some indicated it was distracting. One young Brother told me, "He’s talking too much about that 'positive', Black sh--.., He ain’t talking enough about himself". Immediately, upon hearing this, my mind went back to search for what Hip-Hop music I listened to when I was 17 years old. The comparison I made in my mind, between today and those years was sobering for me.

The word ‘Black’ except for a few witty lines in brief commentary here and there by top-selling artists; and the work of a handful of prominent self-styled 'conscious' artists; has been virtually eliminated from today’s popular Hip-Hop music, certainly from that which dominates the radio airwaves, but more importantly, even in the hottest music that sets trends on the streets. "Black", a term of universal identity, cultural expression and political ideology, and which permeated Hip-Hop in my teenage years, affecting my thinking deeply, is now 'gone', unavailable for the young mind of today’s Hip-Hop fan.

Is it an accident?

Carefully consider this excerpted answer, from a recent interview of Minister Farrakhan conducted by Minister Jabril Muhammad, which appears in the current, February 15, 2005 Volume 24 Number 18 edition of The Final Call newspaper (bold emphasis is mine):

Minister Farrakhan: Yes. In New York City I took time with a friend, Gil Noble, with whom I spoke with privately and later with the leaders, to show them how language is used to change perceptions of our people and the realities of what we’re looking at.

I talked about how the word ‘Negro’ was used and how limited that term was and how the Honorable Elijah Muhammad used the term “Black” in such a way that it developed in us a body and the nervous system that connected us to our people all over the world.

So that when something was done in the Congo, years ago, in the killing of Patrice Lamumba, there was a demonstration by Black people at the U.N. When Martin Luther King was murdered a hundred cities were set on fire because we had developed a nervous system that allowed us to feel the pain of one another through the language that the Honorable Elijah Muhammad used.

So the enemy stepped up his studies of us. He wanted to know what was it and who was the leader that ignited us to burn up a hundred cities when all of the people that were burning the cities were not followers of Martin Luther King Jr.

They concluded that it wasn’t a specific person that was causing this as much as it was the way the media was used. It had given us as a people one shared attitude toward white people and toward what we called ‘the establishment.’

These attitudes hardened into a system of belief that all of us shared, no matter where we were in America---a belief about police; a belief about government; a belief about white people---that was very real. That attitude and belief grew into ideology—a common idea—that all of us shared and we had become a national community, even though we were in different groups; different churches and mosques, etc, there was something that bound us altogether.

When the enemy saw that television had served that purpose and the name "Black, Brother and Sister" had caused us to see ourselves as kin to people of color all over the world, they decided after the assassinations of Malcolm (X) and Martin (Luther King Jr.) and the departure of the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, they had to change language.

They started that by again using the term ‘minority.’ Once we accepted the terminology, ‘minority’, a certain frame of mind came with accepting that language.

The fact that we are the ‘majority’ was destroyed. Then we became the ‘disadvantaged.’ Then we became ‘the largest minority in America.’ Then we became ‘African Americans’ and there we’ve stayed---‘minority, disadvantaged, African Americans.’

But what happened to us as a result of accepting that language? It killed the nervous system that the language of Blackness created. Then, every television show with Black as an adjective describing it, such as ‘Black News’ in New York; ‘Black Journal,’ ‘Black Star’ program in Baltimore, every city had something “Black” as a description of the main noun, and so ‘Black Journal’ became ‘Tony’s Journal;’ and ‘Black News’ was eventually taken off the air. "Black Star" was gone. Now you have no program anywhere on television with the name "Black" in front of it.

So the subtlety of the enemy, in deceiving us, was that he knew the value of language and that if you shift the language you shift perceptions. What he did was to create the death of our nervous system that connected us as a family. Then we could become tribes and kill one another and not feel the pain of our Brothers in the Caribbean, our Brothers in Brazil or our Brothers in Africa.

We began to be less and less global and more and more narrow in our focus, to be narrower right down to gang and tribes in terms of denomination and organization, and kill each other throughout America and not really feel the pain.”

****

So, listen to “I’m Black” by Styles P. for yourself and consider the possibility that it is not an accident that the vast majority of 35 to 40 million Black people haven’t heard it yet. And maybe never will.

[CaliToD.C.]

Posted on Mon, Feb. 21, 2005
 
 
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Black Panther historian keeps legacy alive with photo collection

By Martin SnappBy Martin Snapp

CONTRA COSTA TIMES


Billy X Jennings remembers the first time he ever heard of the Black Panthers.

"It was May 1967; I was 16 years old. I was coming home from a track meet, and I knew I was in for a scolding because I had missed my curfew. But my father had fallen asleep in front of the TV set, so I was safe.

"The 10 o'clock news was on, showing a story about some black men with rifles on the steps of the state Capitol in Sacramento. I was so thrilled, I woke my father up. And he was as moved by the moment as I was. I completely forgot I was supposed to get a scolding, and so did he."

In 1968, Jennings graduated from high school in San Diego. Right after the ceremony, he caught the first train to Oakland, clutching a graduation present from his favorite teacher, Ms. Daniels: "The Autobiography of Malcolm X."

He soon joined the Panthers, working in the party's free food program until 1970, when he became Huey Newton's personal assistant. He grew close to the entire Newton family, especially Huey's parents.

In 1973, Jennings ran the campaign headquarters during Bobby Seale's race for mayor of Oakland, which shocked the political establishment by registering 100,000 new voters and winning 40 percent of the votes.

The Black Panther Party has been gone for almost 20 years, but Jennings is making sure it isn't forgotten. As party historian, he has spent the past decade collecting thousands of historic photographs, some of which are on display in an exhibit at the Berkeley Public Library: "Serving the People -- Body & Soul."

"When I was Huey's assistant, I got to know all the photographers who were covering him, so I knew exactly who to call when I started the archive. Then other people started sending me memorabilia, including copies of the Black Panther Party newspaper. More keeps coming in every day, faster than I can catalog it."

The bulk of the archive can be viewed online at Jennings' Web site, www.itsabouttimebpp.com.

The exhibit at the Berkeley Library runs until March 19; after which Jennings will take it on the road. He is in constant demand as a speaker from church groups, colleges, and high schools.

"Young people have some funny ideas about those days," he says. "They think it was all about the guns, but the guns were just a symbol. It was the right to carry them, and use them to defend yourself, that was important. I tell them the Panthers were really about serving the people."

The exhibit reflects that viewpoint. One photo shows the free food program, with a caption reading, "Part of the appeal of the BPP's programs was that needy community members could receive assistance without the hassle of filling out forms or the embarrassment of answering questions."

Other photos show the free ambulance program, free breakfasts for kids program, free medical clinics, and the free busing-to-prison program.

But other photos show the flip side of the Panthers' existence, namely a running war with law enforcement agencies that left many dead on both sides.

The tension is still evident in one photo showing two Panthers being pulled over by Oakland police on their way to the funeral of one of their comrades, Bobby Hutton, who was 17 when he was killed in a shootout.

Another shows Jennings at 19, leading a delegation of Panthers at the funeral of George Jackson, the "Soledad Brother" who was killed during an alleged prison escape attempt in 1971.

The highlight of the exhibit will come Feb. 26, when Jennings and other veterans of the era conduct a symposium at the library about the party's historical legacy. The participants: James Buford, who helped create the free breakfast program; Sister Sheba, who worked in the George Jackson Free Medical Clinic; Richard Aoki, who helped found the ethnic studies department at UC Berkeley; and Cec Levinson, one of the party's earliest white supporters.

The Black Panther Party was founded Oct. 22, 1966, by two students at Merritt College, Newton and Seale. Their first recruit was Hutton.

Guns were front and center from the start, partly because self-defense resonated in the black community because of a series of alleged police brutality incidents, partly because all that hardware got people's attention fast.

That became evident in May 1967, when the Panthers exploded out of obscurity when news cameras filmed them on the steps of the state Capitol in Sacramento, carrying rifles to protest a bill that would have restricted gun ownership.

In October 1967, Newton was wounded in a shootout with police; he was later convicted of manslaughter in connection with the event. After his release from prison he split with Eldridge Cleaver, who had been running the party in his absence. Newton wanted to abandon violence in favor of social programs; Cleaver wanted "revolution now."

Ironically, Newton, who renounced violence, was shot dead in the street in 1989. Cleaver, the apostle of revolutionary violence, died of natural causes -- but not before he became a Reagan Republican.

Last year, the California Art Museum in Sacramento asked Jennings to curate a historical retrospective about the Panthers, just a few blocks from the state Capitol, where they burst upon the public consciousness nearly 40 years ago.

Says he: "It's about time."

Reach Martin Snapp at 510-262-2787 or e-mail msnapp@cctimes.com.

IF YOU GO

WHAT: "Serving the People -- Body & Soul," a photo history of the Black Panther Party

WHERE: Berkeley Public Library main branch, 2090 Kittredge St.

WHEN: Through March 19. The symposium with Billy X Jennings and others will take place at 2 p.m. Feb. 26.

COST: Free

INFORMATION: 510-981-6233
 

[rohan]

Some interesting articles Pharoah, especially on Dead Prez and Styles P.  IMO it's less about the state of black music, and more about what type of music sells.  That's why on 106th and Parks you will see chingy all day, but be hard pressed to find a Nas single on the countdown..

[CaliToD.C.]

Some interesting articles Pharoah, especially on Dead Prez and Styles P.  IMO it's less about the state of black music, and more about what type of music sells.  That's why on 106th and Parks you will see chingy all day, but be hard pressed to find a Nas single on the countdown..

Yeah but they're gonna judge our generation's culture by the prominent popular music. It saddens me that my kids are gonna see this as a reflection of the times I grew up in.

[Burning Sands, Esq.]

that's capitalism for ya

quatity over quality

[faith2005]

p. rich thanks for posting those articles! here is something going on in nyc this weekend. i'll post it on the hip-hop thread too. i'm excited!

The Clive Davis Department of Recorded Music
Tisch School of the Arts, New York University
in association with
Scratch Magazine, NYU African Heritage Month,
and Shocklee Entertainment

presents

THE MAKING OF PUBLIC ENEMY'S
IT TAKES A NATION OF MILLIONS TO HOLD US BACK

user posted image

An in-depth discussion event on the making of hip-hop's greatest album

FEBRUARY 25 & 26 2005

In 1988, Def Jam recording artists Public Enemy released their second
album "It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back" to commercial
and critical acclaim. Driven by controversial anthems like "Bring The
Noise" and "Don't Believe The Hype", "Nation" boldly inaugurated the
era of political hip-hop, transforming MCs Chuck D and Flavor Flav
into musical superstars. With confrontational, hard-hitting lyrics and
aggressive, visionary sound, "Nation" is widely commemorated as the
greatest hip-hop album of all time.

On February 25 and 26, The Clive Davis Department of Recorded Music at
NYU will assemble original PE band members, producers and engineers
with members of the original Def Jam executive team and the nation's
leading journalists for a series of panel discussions on the making of
"It Takes a Nation of Millions". If you're nostalgic for political
music or old school hip-hop - or if you just want a behind-the-scenes
glimpse at how great records are produced - don't miss this
once-in-a-lifetime event.

PARTICIPANTS
Bill Adler, Harry Allen, Jon Caramanica, Jeff Chang, Robert Christgau,
Lisa Cortes, Chuck D, Glen E. Friedman, Nelson George, Vivien Goldman,
Kelly Haley, Dave Harrington, Rod Hui, Charlotte Hunter, Alan Light,
John Leland, Steve Loeb, Chairman Mao, Nick Sansano, Chris Shaw, Hank
Shocklee, Keith Shocklee, Biff Warren and SPECIAL GUESTS

Produced by Jason King

FRIDAY FEBRUARY 25

INTRODUCTION and FILM SCREENING - 6-7:30 pm
PUBLIC ENEMY: LONDON CALLING
A rare screening of an in-progress documentary film on Public Enemy's
UK tours featuring new and archival footage, directed by Lathan Hodge
(2005)

CRITICS WEIGH IN - 7:45- 9:30 pm
A panel of top journalists and critics take you back to 1988 to
discuss the historical impact of Public Enemy and the musical legacy
of "Nation of Millions" with Robert Christgau, Nelson George, Vivien
Goldman, John Leland, Alan Light
moderated by Jon Caramanica

SATURDAY FEBRUARY 26

THE DEF JAM & RUSH ARTS TEAM - 12-1:30 pm
Featuring members of the original creative staff behind the A&R, publicity,
management and marketing of "Nation of Millions" and PE.
with Bill Adler, Lisa Cortes, Charlotte Hunter, Biff Warren and others
moderated by Kelly Haley

ON HIP-HOP AND POLITICAL ACTIVISM:
A CONVERSATION WITH GLEN E. FRIEDMAN and JEFF CHANG - 1:45-3:00 pm
GLEN E. FRIEDMAN, author of @#!* You Heroes and The Idealist,
photographed and designed the cover for "Nation of Millions" as well
as P.E.'s first album. One of the most important photographers of his
generation, he's also done definitive work with Black Flag, Ice-T,
Fugazi, Beastie Boys, Minor Threat, Run-D.M.C, The original DogTown
skateboarders, and many others.
Acclaimed author and activist JEFF CHANG is the author of the new
book "Can't Stop Won't Stop: The History of the Hip Hop Generation."

PRODUCING THE ALBUM - 3:30-5 pm
Featuring the original engineers, Greene Street studio owners and
members of the famous Bomb Squad production team
with Dave Harrington, Rod Hui, Steve Loeb, Nick Sansano, Chris Shaw,
Hank Shocklee, Keith Shocklee
moderated by Chairman Mao

REVOLUTIONARY VOICES - 6-8 pm
Members of the group and special guests reflect on their experiences.
with Chuck D and special guests
moderated by Harry Allen

All events are held at Tischman Auditorium, NYU
40 Washington Square South, between McDougal and Sullivan
All events are free and open to the public
Seating is first come first served
Picture ID will be required to enter the building

For more information please contact
212 992 8405

[Bluenine]

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/21/nyregion/21africa.html
February 21, 2005

More Africans Enter U.S. Than in Days of Slavery

By SAM ROBERTS

For the first time, more blacks are coming to the United States from Africa than during the slave trade.

Since 1990, according to immigration figures, more have arrived voluntarily than the total who disembarked in chains before the United States outlawed international slave trafficking in 1807. More have been coming here annually - about 50,000 legal immigrants - than in any of the peak years of the middle passage across the Atlantic, and more have migrated here from Africa since 1990 than in nearly the entire preceding two centuries.

New York State draws the most; Nigeria and Ghana are among the top 20 sources of immigrants to New York City. But many have moved to metropolitan Washington, Atlanta, Chicago, Los Angeles, Boston and Houston. Pockets of refugees, especially Somalis, have found havens in Minnesota, Maine and Oregon.

The movement is still a trickle compared with the number of newcomers from Latin America and Asia, but it is already redefining what it means to be African-American. The steady decline in the percentage of African-Americans with ancestors who suffered directly through the middle passage and Jim Crow is also shaping the debate over affirmative action, diversity programs and other initiatives intended to redress the legacy of slavery.

In Africa, the flow is contributing to a brain drain. But at the same time, African-born residents of the United States are sharing their relative prosperity here by sending more than $1 billion annually back to their families and friends.

"Basically, people are coming to reclaim the wealth that's been taken from their countries," said Howard Dodson, director of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, in Harlem, which has just inaugurated an exhibition, Web site and book, titled "In Motion," to commemorate the African diaspora.

The influx has other potential implications, from recalibrating the largely monolithic way white America views blacks to raising concerns that American-born blacks will again be left behind.

"Historically, every immigrant group has jumped over American-born blacks," said Eric Foner, the Columbia University historian. "The final irony would be if African immigrants did, too."

The flow from Africa began in the 1970's, mostly with refugees from Ethiopia and Somalia, and escalated in the 1990's, when the number of black residents of the United States born in sub-Saharan Africa nearly tripled. Combined with the much larger flow of Caribbean blacks, the recent arrivals from Africa accounted for about 25 percent of black population growth in the United States over all during the decade. Nationally, the proportion of blacks who are foreign born rose to about 7.3 percent from 4.9 percent in the 1990's. In New York City, about 1 in 3 blacks are foreign born.

According to the census, the proportion of black people living in the United States who describe themselves as African-born, while still small, more than doubled in the 1990's, to 1.7 percent from about 0.8 percent, for a total estimated conservatively at more than 600,000. About 1.7 million United States residents identify their ancestry as sub-Saharan.

Those numbers reflect only legal immigrants, who have been arriving at the rate of about 50,000 a year, first mostly as refugees and students and more recently through family reunification and diversity visas. Many speak English, were raised in large cities and capitalist economies, live in families headed by married couples and are generally more highly educated and have higher-paying jobs than American-born blacks.

There is no official count of the many others who entered the country illegally or have overstayed their visas and who are likely to be less well off.

Kim Nichols, co-executive director of the African Services Committee, which directs newcomers to health care, housing and other services in the New York region, estimates that the number of illegal African immigrants dwarfs the legal ones. "We think it's a multiple of at least four," she said.

Africans' reasons for coming echo the aspirations of earlier immigrants.

"Senegal became too small," said Marie Lopy, who arrived as a student in 1996, worked as a bookkeeper in a restaurant and earned an associate degree in biology from the City University of New York.

After winning a place in an American immigration lottery that his secretary had entered for him in 1994, Daouda Ndiaye recalls being persuaded by his six children to leave Senegal, where he was working as a financial manager. "I said, 'I'm 45, I'd have to build a whole new life, I'd have to go to school to learn English,' " he recalled. "They said, 'We want you to go and we want you to send for us because there's more opportunity in the U.S. than here.' "

His wife and two of his children have joined him in the United States, where he has worked as a sporting goods store manager and is now a translator.

That the latest movement of black Africans arriving voluntarily surpasses the total who disembarked in chains before the United States outlawed international slave trafficking is a bit of a statistical anomaly. That total, most historians now agree, was about 500,000, with an annual peak of perhaps 30,000, compared with the millions overall who were sold into slavery from Africa. Many died aboard ship. Most were transported to the Caribbean and Brazil, where they were vulnerable to indigenous diseases and to the rigors of raising sugar cane, which was harder to cultivate than cotton or rice, the predominant crops on plantations in the United States, where the slave population was better able to survive and reproduce.

Moreover, black Africans represented a much higher proportion of the population then than they do today. In 1800, about 20 percent of the 5 million or so people in the United States were black. Among nearly 300 million Americans today, about 13 percent are black.

Still, with Europe increasingly inhospitable and much of Africa still suffering from the ravages of drought and the AIDS epidemic and the vagaries of economic mismanagement, the number migrating to the United States is growing - despite the reluctance of some Africans to come face to face with the effects of centuries of enduring discrimination.

In the 1960's, 28,954 legal immigrants were admitted from all of Africa, a figure that rose geometrically to 80,779 in the 1970's, 176,893 in the 1980's and 354,939 in the 1990's. In 2002, 60,269 were admitted, including 8,291 from Nigeria, 7,574 from Ethiopia, 4,537 from Somalia, 4,256 from Ghana and 3,207 from Kenya.

[Bluenine]

To many Americans, the most visible signs of the movement are the proliferation of African churches, mosques, hair-braiding salons, street vendors and supermarket deliverymen, the controversy over female genital mutilation and the election last year of Barack Obama, son of a native Kenyan, to the United States Senate from Illinois. Especially in New York City, the shooting deaths of two unarmed African immigrants, Amadou Diallo from Guinea in 1999 and Ousmane Zongo from Burkina Faso in 2003, come to mind.

Immigrants arrive with their own perceptions and expectations, from countries where blacks constitute a majority at every level of society, only to discover that whether they are professors or peddlers, they may be lumped together here by whites and even by American-born blacks.

"You have the positive impact that race is not seen to be an absolute definer of people's opportunities," Kathleen Newland, director of the Migration Policy Institute, a nonpartisan research group, said, "but that begs the larger question of what does it mean to have a black skin in the United States."

Agba Mangalabou, who arrived from Togo in 2002, recalls his surprise when he moved here from Europe. "In Germany, everyone knew I was African," he said. "Here, nobody knows if I'm African or American."

Ms. Lopy, who now works as a medical interpreter for the African Services Committee, describes herself as "African, first and foremost," though the identity of her children will depend on whom she marries and where. "I'll raise them to be African-something," she said, "but ultimately they'll define it for themselves."

Sylviane A. Diouf, a historian and researcher at the New York Public Library's Schomburg Center and Dr. Dodson's co-author of "In Motion," said that Americans have a more positive view of immigrants in general than they do of American-born blacks. Referring to African immigrants, she said: "They are better educated, they're here to work, to prosper, they're more compliant and don't pose a threat."

Dr. Dodson added, "They're not politically mobilized as yet and not as closely tied to the African-American agenda."

While the ancestors of most Caribbean-born blacks were enslaved, and slavery also victimized the forbears of many African-born blacks, the growing proportion of immigrants may further complicate the debate over programs envisioned to redress the legacies of slavery.

"I think there is a legitimate set of specific claims by persons born in the United States that don't necessarily apply to Caribbean or African populations that have come here subsequently," Dr. Dodson said.

"African-born and Caribbean-born brothers and sisters have realized that the police don't discriminate on the basis of nationality - ask Amadou Diallo," said Professor Charles J. Ogletree Jr., who teaches at Harvard Law School and has warned colleges and universities that admitting mostly foreign-born blacks to meet the goals of affirmative action is insufficient.

"Whether you are from Brazil or from Cuba, you are still products of slavery," he continued. "But the threshold is that people of African descent who were born and raised and suffered in America have to be the first among equals."

French-speaking Haitians do not necessarily mix with English-speaking West Indians, much less with Africans, and competition for jobs has been another source of tension.

"The Africans tend to be quite industrious and entrepreneurial and often take advantage of opportunities that might have been here for others before," said Kim Nichols of the African Services Committee.

"We're talking about very profoundly different cultures," Kathleen Newland said.

Analyses by the Department of City Planning, and by the Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research, in Albany found recent immigrants often segregated from other blacks. The census found Nigerian clusters in Flatlands and Canarsie in Brooklyn and Ghanaians in Morris Heights and High Bridge in the Bronx.

"As with European ethnics at the turn of the century," Joseph J. Salvo, the director of the population division of the Department of City Planning, and Arun Peter Lobo, the deputy director, wrote recently, "ethnicity has been a powerful force in shaping black residential settlement in New York."

Immigration may also shift some of the nation's focus from racial distinctions to ethnic ones. "Certainly, South Africa showed us that minority status does not necessarily correlate to one's position in society, but rather that power and its uses are the issues," said Samuel K. Roberts of Columbia, a history professor who is also on the faculty of the university's Institute for Research in African-American Studies. "That being said, increasingly distinguishing between black Americans and black Africans may produce conditions in which we will be less prone to think of a fictional construct of 'race' as the distinguishing factor among all of us in North America."

How long might those distinctions last? "I guess one of the questions will have to be what happens in the next generation or two," said Professor Foner of Columbia. "In America, marriage is the great solvent. Are they going to melt into the African-American population? Most likely yes."

[CaliToD.C.]

Excellent articles yall! Lets keep 'em coming! 

[NYBound05]

bump